16. CHAPTER SUMMARY

It seems undemocratic to deprive citizens of directly elected provincial, autonomous, national and even European assemblies. Actually they would choose them, but with some years in advance, because by the procedure of this proposal, to get to the National Assembly or to the European Parliament, they would have had to go through the local or district, provincial, and autonomous Assembly first. . In this way, countless extremely positive political effects would be achieved.

The first would be to boost the politics of small towns and districts of large cities, since young people interested in politics would have to do their "first practices" starting with this local area, to reach higher institutions at a reasonable age. . After all, this is how things work outside of politics, such as in large companies, in teaching, in the military career or even in the ecclesiastical.

In other words, to become a national deputy, they would have had to go through the local, provincial and autonomous assemblies before, with the consequent enrichment of useful knowledge and the political experience that this long transit would bring to culminate their legitimate ambition. Therefore, citizens choose them directly, but at the very beginning of their political career, they really get to know them.

The other positive effect is that, once elected to the local Assembly, it would depend on themselves, their good or bad management, as well as their honesty and good personal reputation, whether they were elected to higher-level positions, without they have to submit to the electoral strategies of the political parties, where true talents are lost due to their legitimate desire for freedom and independence, and with no other interest than to serve the well-being of the citizens and not the triumph of their party. In the end, and unfortunately, in today's political parties, the smartest and best prepared tend not to stand out, but the most intriguing and with less political morality.

The next positive effect is to prevent the arrivala of political opportunists, joining the political parties for electoral convenience and not for ideological affinity, also a common case in current politics.

Another favorable effect is that national deputies would have the best age to face and solve the difficult problems and hard controversies typical of complicated political management, without the ardor and passion of youth, but without reaching the point of falling into gerontocracy.

Another positive effect of the disappearance of political parties is that the lamentable spectacles, so negative for a nation's image, of the struggles between them to form a government after a conflicting electoral result, and without an absolute majority, would no longer take place. Unnatural coalitions would be necessary, which block government action. Nor would it fall into the current negative bipartisanship.

Likewise, there would be no regionalist parties, whose policies are generally unsupportive with the rest of the citizens outside their region. In this proposal, when elected to broader territorial spheres, the deputies would have to swear to exclusively serve the global interests of the province, region, or nation, with an integrating and solidarity spirit.

Nor would there be cases in which a popular and “charismatic” personage took advantage of his popularity to form a “protest party”, supported by simple discontents, and which did not contribute anything positive to public understanding and management, nor to democracy.

But, above all and what is even more dangerous, we would not run the risk of some feared populist leader and demagogue, who completely destabilized social peace, to take us back to historical scenarios that we all want to overcome and forget. Nor would masses of acolytes willing to impose by force what they do not achieve through the ballot box, as unfortunately is happening more and more frequently, especially in countries where democratic practice is not sufficiently consolidated.

For all these good reasons, it is necessary to rebuild democracy without the intervention of political parties.

It could be argued against this proposal that such an electoral system does not allow ideological factions. Basically, they would be territorial parliaments, since they would be made up primarily of representatives from all national territory parts. But, as I have already tried to expose in the second part of this essay, the great knowledge that we currently have of the economy's mechanisms leads us to the conclusion that there is practically no room for maneuver for traditional left-wing. On the right, because if the free market should prevail, only its benefits can be socialized. If society should prevail, it can only liberalize its economy and behavior, but always within a reasonable balance. The result is, therefore, the end of ideologies.

Likewise, it could be argued that this model would also allow the corruption of the internal electoral processes. But a corrupt candidate can buy half a dozen votes, but not those of the majority in the Assembly, which would be all independent. Therefore, the possibilities of corrupting the political representation system are much less than in the current system of political parties.

Finally, the State could continue to have the same current political status, be it Republic or Monarchy, since it would continue to be a constitutional state and democratic. It would only be necessary to change some procedures of the head of state, president or monarch, in his intervention for the constitution of the Assembly, the Commission and the National Council, and, of course, some labels of the offices and official buildings.