FOREWORD

IN OCTOBER 2008, the Icelanders massively took to the streets to force their government to reject the payment of the enormous debt caused by the bankruptcy of their banks, leading this small country to a process of constitutional renewal. 

In January 2011, a young man, burdened by his precarious economic situation, was burned to death in Tunisia, causing massive mobilizations that ended with the rapid fall of the anti-democratic government of Ben Ali. The unexpected result of these mobilizations infected Libya, causing the fall of Colonel Qaddafi and immediately spread to Egypt. After massive mobilizations in Tahrir Square in Cairo, the protesters achieved their purpose of overthrowing Hosni Mubarak and calling a process. The constituent for the creation of a new, more democratic system. In Syria, due to its population's complex ethnic and religious circumstances, the mobilizations collided with the Bashar al-Asad government's firm opposition, causing a long and bloody civil war that has not yet concluded as of the writing of these pages. In some states of the Persian Gulf, and for similar circumstances, the outraged movement was also unsuccessful. This entire chain of revolutionary events has been described by the media as the "Arab Spring." 

Affected by the financial crisis, on May 15, 2011, thousands of Madrilenians, mostly young middle-class university students, professionals, teachers, and the unemployed of all ages, summoned by messages published on Twitter and Facebook, and disseminated through mobile phones with SMS messages, they decided to take the central Puerta del Sol with spectacular camping, preceded by a group of 40 spontaneous. The reason for the concentration was ambiguous and varied according to each group or the members' trend, but a clear slogan stood out: «Real democracy now!». Inspired by the booklet published by the former French diplomat and one of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights drafters, Stéphane Hessel, they called themselves the "Outraged." 

The event was on the main international media's front page, and the spontaneous Madrid movement would echo beyond the Atlantic. Many outraged people camped near Wall Street in New York, calling themselves "Occupy Wall Street." This occupation was followed by others in San Francisco and in almost a hundred cities in the US. In London, another large group was formed, which camped near its cathedral. In other European cities, such as Paris and Berlin, sporadic demonstrations of outraged occurred without consolidating their camps. Finally, when writing these lines, massive demonstrations occur in Turkey's main cities of similar characteristics. However, they took as an excuse for the destruction of a park in Istanbul and Brazil's main cities, also under the pretext of the rise of public transport fares. 

So far, and very briefly, comes the brief history of this movement, which has caused perplexity and confusion between traditional democratic and political forces. Everyone asks the same questions: «But what do this outraged want? Do they not have the ballot boxes to show their discontent? Is there no freedom of expression and opinion to peacefully present their demands, with dialogue as civilized people? Why do politicians who have been democratically elected call us, dictators'? 

But these and many other questions are also asked by the outraged ones, and for which until now only circumstantial answers have been given on a varied and extensive number of claims, such as their desire to reform democracy at its roots, the international financial system, eradicate corruption in the political class, or annul the severe austerity measures and their consequences imposed on countries in crisis. 

But if the outraged do not yet have concrete answers to see all their demands realized, they do have the strong the intuition that their mobilizations have a radically new and revolutionary purpose, which bears no relation to any of the traditional causes that motivated the past great social revolutions. . At least they have absolutely clear certainty that it is a movement caused by the impact of new mobile communication media and social networks, blogs, and Internet web pages. But that does not mean that they believe that these new media necessarily bring about change on their own, but that their use has allowed them to become aware that they already belong to a new era, which in turn requires a new democracy. 

I, too, agree. So much so that I have published this work with the available means, and that we can describe as astonishing and revolutionary, of this new digital age that is already a reality. Indeed, it was unnecessary to send paper copies of the manuscript to a dozen publishers, which would have sent me a courteous letter form rejecting its publication after a few months. 

ON MAY 15, 2011, the Puerta del Sol in Madrid was a meadow where hundreds of people of all ages, classes, and backgrounds camped, but with a common idea: "REAL DEMOCRACY NOW!". The problem was that they had not clearly and sufficiently defined what "Real Democracy" consisted. There was nothing in their political demands that had not already been tested and demonstrated its limitations and shortcomings. For example, the populous public assemblies could not agree on a simple global idea and precious time wasted in its formalities and requirements. And the inconsistency of the debates themselves, due to the breadth and vagueness of the proposals. 

Other groups considered that "real democracy" was not a question of the procedure, but honesty and the absence of manipulation. 

In the first case, consensus would only be reached in agreements and proposals at the domestic and local levels, without seeing the popular assemblies' viability to articulate a State policy. 

In the second, the politicians were expected to behave with honesty and transparency in a society in which to survive; it is necessary to adopt selfish and unsupportive behavior based on self-interest above the general, with little awareness of belonging to a community; without attachments or solidarity. In other words, they claimed something without knowing with absolute clarity what it consisted of, which led to the inevitable failure. 

On some banners, you could read "The Spanish Revolution," a fantasy inspired by May '68. The social revolutions that have consolidated have been preceded by "revolutionary theory." A precise and detailed script of the reasoned demands and the strategy to achieve them. 

The indignant movement had neither original ideology (ideas) nor a revolutionary theory, only the caricature of a prestigious intellectual who called for action with massive and spectacular protests, without offering revolutionary political, economic, and social alternatives. The reason seems simple: after the collapse of communism, there is no alternative to the liberal-capitalist ideology in democracy. We are left with only the resource of kicking, that is, to protest! 





Among the many concurrent factors, the 15M resulted from one of the symptoms of the speculative financial system of liberal capitalism. But which in the last 100 years has created spectacular wealth in its areas of influence and a fantastic advance in scientific research and the development of stunning digital technologies from which we all benefit. 

Abducted by this bonanza, we have not stopped to assess its price and its consequences, which can destroy this bonanza overnight. 

The 15M was undoubtedly a warning to make us aware that we live on a vast time bomb, which will inevitably explode before the next generation even takes over the world. 

Then there will be a wave of protests from new outraged people, but they will no longer only ask for political reforms, but a piece of bread that I will bring to my mouth. It is entirely human that we resist the drastic changes in personal and social behavior. We are not aware (or do not want to be) of being the cause of the catastrophic consequences that we are creating. That will seriously affect the next generation, to which we will bequeath the results of our unconsciousness and lack of solidarity. 

These are the main adverse effects of the progress we have adopted: 

- The most spectacular and publicized is climate change, which is already practically irreversible. 

- The destruction of natural ecosystems necessary for the maintenance of life. 

-The fall in the profitability of the speculative investment of capitalism due to market saturation.- The surveillance of the State through sophisticated algorithms will filter and encode our profiles, with the excuse of our security. 

We are aware that, despite the differences in the distribution of wealth, we are part of the most developed world, and we would like things to stay as they are, but if we want everything to remain the same, something has to change! 





To avoid these catastrophic consequences, it will be necessary to take drastic preventive measures in all social and political, and economic spheres. These are the two systems that condition all the others, such as culture, art, or religion. 

What is about is to design a new democratic model that saves democracy because the current democratic system is so corrupted that it can no longer be called "Democracy." Still, perhaps the most appropriate name for current democracy is "Dictocracy." And that necessary new must be the "real Democracy" that the outraged demand. 

After reaching this conclusion, I decided to write what could be the "draft of a new system of democracy," but which respects the inalienable rights of citizens to participate in political and economic management that affects them freely and transparently, regardless of patronage and internal corruption of political parties and without nullifying the representatives, plurality, respect for minorities care for the environment, with a healthy and dignified quality of life. 

This is the essence of this essay, based on my political experience with The Greens in Berlin (DIE GRÜNEN) during my first stay in this multicultural city and a living example of the social and solidarity sense of a community, and my essay, the result of this experience, "The ecological revolution." In the last edition (available in Amazón), I have reviewed outdated or seen aspects from my current perspective of a mature person who shies away from any utopian proposal, with the new title of "Ecology and civil society."
- The cancellation of privacy, promoted by social networks. 

- The decline of the works of the spirit, art, and religion, philosophy. 

- The surveillance of the State through sophisticated algorithms, which will filter and encode our profiles, with the excuse of our security 

We are aware that, despite the differences in the distribution of wealth, we are part of the most developed world, and we would like things to stay as they are, but if we want everything to remain the same, something has to change! 





To avoid these catastrophic consequences, it will be necessary to take drastic preventive measures in all social and political, and economic spheres. These are the two systems that condition all the others, such as culture, art, or religion. 

What is about is to design a new democratic model that saves democracy because the current democratic system is so corrupted that it can no longer be called "Democracy." Still, perhaps the most appropriate name for current democracy is "Dictocracy." And that necessary new must be the "real Democracy" that the outraged demand. 

After reaching this conclusion, I decided to write what could be the "draft of a new system of democracy," but which respects the inalienable rights of citizens to participate in political and economic management that affects them freely and transparently, regardless of patronage and internal corruption of political parties and without nullifying the representatives, plurality, respect for minorities care for the environment, with a healthy and dignified quality of life. 

This is the essence of this essay, based on my political experience with The Greens in Berlin (DIE GRÜNEN) during my first stay in this multicultural city and a living example of the social and solidarity sense of a community, and my essay, the result of this experience, "The ecological revolution." In the last edition (available in Amazón), I have reviewed outdated or seen aspects from my current perspective of a mature person who shies away from any utopian proposal, with the new title of "Ecology and civil society."